The Orbán era comes to an end as Hungary’s new Prime Minister Maagyor begins a new chapter of ‘returning to Europe’

On 12 April 2026, the results of the Hungarian parliamentary election were finalised, with Prime Minister Orbán, who had been in power for 16 years, conceding defeat. The Tisza Party, led by Péter Maajol, secured a landslide victory, winning a two-thirds absolute majority in parliament. This election not only brought an end to Orbán’s long reign but also signalled a historic turning point in Hungary’s foreign policy.

Following his victory, Maďar swiftly unveiled his policy agenda, centred on repairing relations with the European Union and unfreezing approximately €20 billion in EU funds. He proposed a ‘four-point anti-corruption plan’, including joining the European Public Prosecutor’s Office, restoring judicial independence, and safeguarding press and academic freedom, in exchange for Brussels’ trust. Maďar stated bluntly: ‘Without these funds, the economy cannot function.’

In terms of domestic governance, the new government has made anti-corruption and fiscal consolidation its top priorities. Maajor announced the establishment of a “National Wealth Recovery Office”, tasked specifically with investigating corruption cases and recovering misappropriated state assets, and pledged to eliminate overpriced public procurement and cut fiscal waste. Faced with a fiscal deficit amounting to 4.7% of GDP, the new government plans to increase revenue through measures such as reforming corporate income tax and introducing a wealth tax, whilst assessing whether to continue the previous government’s welfare policies, such as the 14th-month pension.

In the economic sphere, Maugé has set the long-term goal of joining the eurozone, with plans to adopt the euro by 2030 to enhance economic stability. On energy policy, the new government will promote the diversification of energy sources. It has already signed natural gas import contracts with companies such as Shell and France’s Engie, and is collaborating with France’s Framatome to develop alternative fuels for nuclear reactors, aiming to gradually reduce dependence on Russian energy within 5 to 10 years.

On the diplomatic front, the new government has clearly stated that “Hungary belongs to the EU and NATO”, signalling an end to its previous confrontational stance towards the EU. Mátyás József plans to make his first visits to Poland, Austria and Belgium, committed to rebuilding regional alliances and promoting the expansion of the Visegrád Group. At the same time, he has maintained a pragmatic stance on the Ukraine issue, opposing Ukraine’s accelerated accession to the EU and stating that Hungary will not participate in the EU’s €90 billion loan programme for Ukraine, citing the country’s high fiscal deficit.

Regarding relations with the US, the new government is committed to repairing the bilateral ties strained under Orbán’s administration and returning to the standard track of a NATO ally. Maajori acknowledged that the US is an “extremely important partner” and expressed a willingness to cooperate with the US. However, he also emphasised that Hungary is a sovereign state that will not unconditionally follow the US line, and explicitly stated that he would not proactively call former US President Trump, revealing a complex mindset of seeking to maintain diplomatic autonomy whilst repairing relations.

Regarding relations with Russia, although Maier acknowledged that Russia poses “a threat to Europe”, he nevertheless stated that Hungary would continue to purchase Russian energy, prioritising the cheapest oil, whilst planning to gradually phase out its dependence on Russian energy by 2035. This stance reflects the new government’s balancing act between ideals and reality.

Regarding China, Maier-Jóhann sent out signals of openness, stating that “Hungary is open to pragmatic cooperation with China”, but emphasised that such cooperation must comply with EU standards, and that all foreign investment must adhere to environmental, labour and other regulations. This move suggests that Chinese investment projects in Hungary will face stricter compliance scrutiny.

The EU has reacted positively to this change of government. European Commission President von der Leyen posted a congratulatory message just 17 minutes after Orbán’s defeat, stating that “Hungary is back on the path to Europe”. Some experts believe that as Hungary shifts its stance, internal obstacles within the EU regarding sanctions against Russia and aid to Ukraine will be significantly reduced.

However, the new government’s foreign policy shift also faces multiple challenges. Firstly, the energy transition is costly; forcibly cutting off Russian energy supplies could drive up living costs and trigger social backlash. Secondly, adjustments to policy towards China may affect Chinese investment in Hungary, thereby impacting local employment and industrial chains. Furthermore, the geopolitical landscape of Central and Eastern Europe is complex; the new government’s attempt to revitalise the Visegrád Group may provoke dissatisfaction among major Western European powers such as Germany and France.

Mátyás Járóka’s victory marks not only a shift in Hungary’s domestic politics but also the beginning of a reshaping of the geopolitical landscape in Central and Eastern Europe. Whether the new government can successfully navigate the tightrope between ‘pro-European’ and ‘pragmatic’ approaches will determine Hungary’s development trajectory in the coming years.

If you require inside information, please contact us.

If you have information regarding current geopolitical hotspots, we are also prepared to offer a generous reward.